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• 1 Screen Capture from Blue-Ray edition of 2001: A Space Odyssey. 1 At the start of the movie 2001: A Space Odyssey, two tribes of apes get into a fight over a watering hole, and one group drives off the other. The apes who have been driven away are depressed, and just sit around moping when one of them gets the idea to use a thigh bone of some large animal as a club. First he tries it out on a few dried ribs that are lying about, then he uses it to bring down one of the tapirs that had, up until this moment, lived peacefully among the apes in an idyllic, Garden-of-Eden symbiosis.

Suddenly, we are back at the watering hole, more of a mud puddle really, and the ape that invented the club is at the head of his troupe, all of whom are armed with their own bone clubs. The larger, stronger apes are still there, furious at the reappearance of the weaker group. They attack, using all the usual monkey strategies for waging war: shrieks, baring of teeth, pounding of chests and quick feints, during which the individual who’d invented the bone club stands upright—more like a man than an ape—and when the leader of the other pack rushes at him on all fours, he uses his club to bash in this ape’s brains, and we can’t help but be struck by how the tool has made the man. No matter what Benjamin Franklin says about Man being the tool-making animal, it’s the tool—the club—that made this ape stand upright: it’s impossible to swing a club when walking on all fours; from a hunched-over, ape-like position, you can’t get the leverage needed to swing a tool to chop wood, hit a golf ball, win wars. 2 In the film the ape-man celebrates his victory by throwing his bone-club into the air, and we follow it in slow-mo as it rises, rises, keeps rising, then is suddenly replaced by a space shuttle in the year 2001, the title of the film—and used here (in this movie made in 1968, a year before the moon landing) as an icon for the height of civilization, the space station pirouetting to Strauss’s Waltz of the Blue Danube, the pinnacle of that technological journey began by that distant ancestor who discovered a way to leverage power through his low-tech tool. But I’d like us to imagine that bone turning into a book, for a book too, is a tool, and perhaps contributed more to making us human—in the humanist sense of the word—than any stone axe, plow, compass, or gun. 3 That is, in his fiction, Kubrick has given us an image for a history.

4 So imagine that bone club rising into the air, then turning into Gutenberg’s printing press: the tool that allowed us to disseminate humanist thought and help create Renaissance individuals with unique, individual features like those depicted on the Sistine Ceiling instead of the generic types seen in much Medieval art; think how those depictions of faces might have helped a person think of him or herself as an individual—the “sole proprietor of his own person and capacities in that he owes nothing to society for them”—in the words of C.B. Macpherson (Lukes, 113). In contrast to the generic, character types in medieval mystery plays written by anonymous authors, unique, individuals began to emerge in literature: Rousseau’s Confessions, one of the first works to consider the self as a subject worthy of literature; Ronsard’s poetry, in which Jean Marie Goulemot sees the emergence of the lyric “I”; the essays of Montaigne, in which the individual is put forward as the standard by which to measure the world, and which Shakespeare drew upon to invent the soliloquy, that window onto an individual’s private struggle and self analysis (391). 5 Let the bone rise a little higher before turning into the cheap, paperback book made possible by steam-powered printing presses, pulp mills, automated type-setting, railroads, and the newsstands selling stationery and books installed by W.H.

Smith & Son at stations along the way: the first “chain” bookstores—the modern world. 6 “It is impossible to exaggerate the importance of the novel in publicizing 18 th century private life,” Goulemot writes (384). Thus Montaigne is a watershed between the assumptions of knowledge and the relation of the individual to society held by those before, and those who would follow. Before writers like Montaigne and Rousseau, it was a vanity, if not sinful, to dwell upon the individual self to the degree one would need to write, for example, an autobiography, for the self as we would think of it did not even exist. Retiring into a study or library to cultivate this inner self, as we might think of it, would have been seen by most as a kind of “moral pathology” (380).

Ian Watt writes that the symbiotic relationship between the novel and the humanist individual it helped bring into existence couldn't come into being until societal conditions made possible the autonomous individual who prospers or fails by jockeying among others in a web of social situations. What's more, the autonomous individual, especially within the middle-class, had to be taken seriously enough to be a subject for literature—for both writers and readers. 7 To cite one of Watt's examples, the institution of marriage in which the woman makes a free choice of a mate came about soonest in England and was probably a contributing factor to the rise of the novel, that 19 th-century laboratory of romantic scenarios (132-77).

That is, a culture's collective thought can produce concrete consequences, such as institutions like marriage, and one of these consequences in 18 th-century England was the first-person novel itself: an artistic solution to the redefinition of humans and their relationships that resulted from a belief in empiricism and the autonomy of the individual: the “emergence of a new ideology of merit” in Goulemot’s words (384). To gauge the rise of the individual throughout the 18 th and 19 th century, consider the number of novels of this era that bear the name of the main character as title: Clarissa, Pamela, Robinson Crusoe, David Copperfield. • 2 Perhaps a high-water mark for this modernist, self-creating individual appears in Camus’ The Strang 8 That is, new modes of thought and the new social orientations they are influenced by and help bring about also bring into existence literary techniques, as is perhaps the most clear in Modernism: WWI, WWII, the absorption of Freud, Marx, Einstein and others brought about changes in thinking that made faith in rationalism and its accompanying social order impossible.

Consequently techniques such as a fixed point of view became obsolete. In their place rose literary innovations such as those created by Henry James by which inner consciousness is portrayed; in contrast to the 18 th-century novel, the subject of many modern novels is seldom what happened.

Rather it is more often how and what someone thought they thought (compare Impressionist painting). In other words, in a world that is seen as relative, the Modernist use of viewpoint can become an instrument to explore not only a newly emerging culture but also the perspectives from which it is seen (consider Cubism in the visual arts). The same can be said of stream of consciousness, fragmentation of the narrative, the use of irony as a master trope and other narrative devices common to Modernist novels. In fact, the hero’s alienation and/or salvation through art, or purity of idea, can be seen as a defining characteristic of the Modernist novel. So can the individuality stamped into each work—one can pick out a Hemingway novel, for example, upon hearing a single sentence.

9 If that ape had thrown his bone high enough for it to morph into an icon of 2014, maybe instead of changing into Gutenberg’s press, or a spaceship, it would have changed into an iPad: a tool with about 32 million times the computing power (128 GB) of the computer aboard the NASA Eagle that first landed on the moon (2k of programmable memory and 32k of storage). Unlike that anonymous individual ape who first used a femur to bash-in the head of a competitor, and launch us down the evolutionary path we continue to follow, the invention of the iPad stands on the shoulders of too many people to even imagine, and who have also made possible a network of tools that have literally shaped life around the globe. I can pull from my pocket a “bone club,” that is my phone, and use it to set in motion a factory in China that will customize an iPad, and have it delivered to my door thanks to transportation, communication, and financial networks that work as one. We’re all global now. Our tools have pried destiny from biology, and allowed people to alter the shapes of their noses, teeth, thighs, breasts, butts into dimensions fashionable at our time; indeed our tools allow our very DNA to be edited, patented, and rearranged like any other data. Instead of wielding bone clubs, we increasingly fight our wars by unleashing cyber weapons to bring down an opponent’s information infrastructure, or factories, or power grid; we do the actual killing remotely with flying robots; we coordinate our revolutions through social media; and of course, governments, corporations, and other organizations exert what control they can over us through spyware that goes far beyond the optical metaphors of surveillance in play when Orwell was writing 1984. • 4 Government entities, corporations and others maintain that mining the logs of these pings doesn’t c 11 The affairs and mistresses of public figures like ex-CIA director General David Petraeus, or President Holland have been discovered by analysis of patterns in metadata extracted from the “data ecology” they, and we, generate as we move through our daily activities; likewise, sources used by journalists to investigate stories like these have themselves been revealed through the same techniques.

Fatal drone strikes have been called down on targets identified by patterns of pings. In fact, simply knowing where someone travels, one judge noted, would allow others to “deduce whether he is a weekly church goer, a heavy drinker, a regular at the gym, an unfaithful husband, an outpatient receiving medical treatment, an associate of particular individuals or political groups and not just one such fact about a person, but all such facts' (Ball). 12 But of course a person’s travel pattern is only one “such fact” itself. Combining location data with other databases— the log of the phone numbers we dial, or text to, the URLs we visit, e-mail addresses we receive and send to, the merchandise we buy, hotel rooms we rent, medicine we take, music we listen to, and books we buy or check out from the library—allows the picture to be colored in with higher and higher resolution. Combining it with the information gathered on others in our social network multiplies the effect: the locations we visit tied to postal codes which are linked to race demographics, which are linked to income and tax records, which are linked to graduation records, and crime records, which are linked to driving and car ownership records, which are linked to those of your children who are themselves tied to their text messages which indicate they leave school each day at 3:45 to meet your spouse whose iPhone reports back to Apple that she sets her alarm at 1 a.m. • 5 See Chris Dancy’s self-tracking grid (Klint).

See also The Quantified Self Movement at 14 We know all of this (E-mail is often said to be a euphemism for Everyone’s-Mail, i.e., mail everyone can read). Yet we do not give up our Internet connections, ATM cards.

Just the opposite. We ourselves engage in deeper levels of this behavior, relying on googling a potential romantic or business partner, or checking the credit rating of a possible renter; we assume we are tracked, even as we track the movement of employees, pets, or our children, or monitor their television or computer use at home, or the number of keystrokes a subordinate types at work The deeper this behavior penetrates our lives, the more we find the boundaries between the self and the crowd not just an inconvenience but anti-social, for, as in voting, it is only in the aggregate that we matter. And everyone knows it is uncivic to not vote. That is, unlike the uber-civic citizens of Orwell’s dystopia—and this is also a difference between us and the high Moderns—the vast majority of the personal information that is available for use by others has been made available by us, voluntarily, or at least indifferently, in exchange for the ability to use a charge card, play Angry Birds, order a pizza, call a cab, pay a water bill, renew a license, buy a song, send a greeting or invitation. • 6 And also nothing like novelists of old, we might also add, for we’ve come a long way since the days 15 We do so to tell stories and paint pictures of who we are, down to the “last redoubts of the personal,” as Gary Wolf puts it (2010). Like the novelists of old, we might add.

16 The degree to which the above description is familiar, even quotidian, is one indicator of the degree to which the individual as C.B. Macpherson (or even Camus) meant it, an autonomous individual made possible by the concepts of separation and privacy, is being undermined by new social formations. We may not have reached the point expressed by Facebook founder Mark Zuckerberg: that privacy is “no longer a social norm,” i.e., no longer expected, or even wanted (Johnson). Crack Raster Design 2008 Chevy more.

But the view of computer scientist Arvind Narayanan seems accurate: according to him, the amount of data that each of us generates just by living, the incentives to mine this data, and the increasing power and decreasing cost of the tools used to do so have already brought us to the point where “anonymity of any kind may be “algorithmically impossible”’ (Tucker). 17 Therefore, a question: If the bone-club compelled our early ancestors to stand upright, if the printing press contributed to the rise of a humanist individual from a communal, medieval consciousness, what sort of human do our tools encourage today? • 8 Alexander Skipis, president of the German Publishers and Booksellers Association, put it bluntly: • 9 Users of Amazon will be familiar with the most obvious of these, the Knn, or Nearest Neighbor, algo 20 Paradoxically, this dominance was achieved by fragmenting (some say destroying) all other aspects of book culture, “eliminating gatekeepers” as Bezos refers to anyone (other than Amazon) who gets between the author and reader, i.e. Book reviewers, publishers, acquisition editors, or bookshop owners who might curate their shelves. The bone-club Amazon uses to bash in the skulls of those knuckle-draggers from another era is, of course, the algorithm, the data mining, the surveillance and modeling techniques described above.

Once styling itself as a ‘virtual bookstore’ or ‘book-culture hub,’ Amazon’s early days contained author interviews and staff members who wrote reviews, and did other kinds of activities to mimic a hybrid bookstore / review-magazine. But by 2002 its transformation from a virtual bookstore to an automated database was complete. Gone were the reviewers, for example, replaced by a database of book rankings by customers who also provided the added benefit of supplying even more demographic information about themselves by writing reviews (for free) about the books (or shoes or rice cookers or lawn mowers) they bought, and when combined with databases of customer history, and analytics that employed statistical probability, Amazon could predict with uncanny accuracy what else a customer would want to buy. Indeed, Amazon recently patented what it calls “anticipatory shipping,” a program that uses a customer’s past buying habits to stock items that they “do not yet know they want” (Kopalle) in whichever order fulfillment center is nearest to the customer’s address (e.g. A shopper who buys a book about baby names doesn’t yet know that she’ll also want a rectal thermometer). It may be, as Fredric Jameson once asserted, that it is easier to imagine the end of the world than the end of capitalism, but those born after the birth of Amazon may find it odd that people once said the same thing about bookstores.

• 10 A few examples: after being rejected by 25 publishers, industrial engineer Boyd Morrison self-publ 21 And publishers. On the pre-press side, Amazon has also wielded its weight to flatten literary “gatekeepers,” especially agents, and publishers, putting the power of publishing, as it had done with book reviewing, in the hands of the masses. Under 14 different imprints, Amazon itself now brings out about 700 books a year, serving as publishing “partners” with authors. Its self-publishing platform allows anyone to publish their own book in print, or as a Kindle e-book, or as an audio book. The incentive for authors to bypass the traditional network of Agent-Publisher-Printer-Distributor-Seller and go direct to the reader is obvious.

Publishing with Amazon, an author can keep up to 80% of a book’s price as opposed to the typical 15% of a hardback sale. Further, the stories of unknown writers being rejected by agents and publishers before going on to success by self-publishing on Amazon have stopped being news because there are so many (Jasiewicz, 47).

22 But even if a self-published author only sells copies to his or her mother, Amazon wins. Here we are reminded that during the 1876 Gold Rush in America, few prospectors found much gold, but the big winners were the men who had the foresight to sell shovels. And sell shovels Amazon does, providing the tools for an unlimited number of authors to prospect for the next big hit, all the while driving down prices (remember Amazon’s original business model). 23 Factories with no human employees, automated offices, or stores like Amazon; classrooms replaced by MOOCs in which a single professor might instruct a million students: our tools—digitalization—are transforming nearly every sphere of our global economy, and driving the marginal cost—the price of producing one additional unit after the initial start-up costs are paid—ever closer to zero. Why wouldn’t this revolution transform our cultural products? And therefore their creators: authors, artists, and musicians? As well as their users, e.g.

The cost of raw, digital culture has been near zero for some time, as Napster revealed, reducing music to digital content and destroying the traditional music industry, a phenomenon that has since spread to print journalism, for example, and is now transforming publishing of all kinds. Or as Bezo’s puts it: “Amazon is not happening to bookselling, the future is happening to bookselling” (Packer). 24 This is not without consequences for “what counts as literature,” and from this perspective the picture is more Cubist: from one point of view it is easy to see that though Amazon has done much to narrow publication, distribution, and selling to a single channel, itself, it has done much to also expand choice; it has given access to books unimaginable by someone, for example, whose only bookstore may have been the bland, book (and greeting-card) seller in a shopping mall. For authors, it has given access to readers unimaginable at any time previous: even the most esoteric poet now has access to a distributions web that covers the globe. Yet by treating all writing as digital content, by relying on algorithms to push those books with the greatest proven capacity to sell in large numbers, a conception of literature as high-turnover, mass entertainment, is also being promoted. Konrath notes, he makes as much selling a $ 2.99 ebook as he would from a $ 25 hardback. The cost of a cup of coffee (Jasiewicz, 47).

In the process, do people come to think of literature as a cup of coffee?—something cheap, easily consumed, completely forgettable? 26 We’ve seen this phenomenon before. Indeed, every revolution in publishing has been accompanied by a further democratization of text, which some see as a lowering of standards. The invention of the printing press meant the debasement of what had been sacred objects; the proliferation of texts that followed resulted in the secularization of books—a turning away from God—accompanied by a rise in literacy, which meant that peasants could read, and interpret “incorrectly,” what had once been the province of experts. • 11 Maybe the most succinct description of the difference between literary and commercial publishing is 28 When launching its publishing effort, one of Amazon’s first books was “My Mother Was Nuts,” a memoir by an actress from an old TV-sitcom, (Penny Marshall of “Laverne & Shirley” fame) that Amazon paid $ 800,000 to acquire (Packer), which makes one wonder, given all their data and algorithms, given the power to predict “what customers don’t yet know what they want,” is this what their models told them to publish?

Maybe the explanation lies in an algorithm’s inability, or rather, Amazon’s refusal, to make any distinction between “content people” (i.e. What were once known as authors, editors, critics, translators, sophisticated readers and other literary types) and “business people”. 29 Literary judgments aside, it is the big-data approach to literature that is of interest here, the change in literary landscape that makes it possible for a 17 year-old high-school student to bypass the entire literary establishment by posting her novel, The Kissing Booth, on a social reading site like Wattpad, and have it read by 19 million readers (and then land a 3 book contract with one of the conglomerate publishers, Random House/Delacorte ). Among the 20 million other writers communicating directly with readers through Wattpad is Denny (a.k.a. Have You Seen This Girl, a.k.a. Ate Dennysaur), whose novel Diary ng Panget ( Diary of an Ugly Girl) attracted more than 16 million readers/reviewer/commenters, as well as a publisher in the Philippines, where it also became the best-selling print novel of 2013 (Wattpad). Which is to say, barriers of all kinds are being blurred by numerous entities, not just Amazon, and the reading/ writing tools that did not exist until recently: apps for reading on phones; reader-created, custom magazines; Blurb, LuLu, Wordclay, and other platforms that allow readers to connect directly with each other, and writers to connect directly with readers, and all the rest of the new publishing landscape built on an infrastructure of data, pattern, algorithmic analysis: Twitter, Facebook, Tumblr, YouTube, Instagram, Vine.

30 A conception of the self as pattern may or may not have fully changed our conception of the human, but it is certainly changing our conception of the reader. Best-seller lists have always been (curiously) part of book review sections (instead of the financial page), but never have the audiences they reflect carried such weight; critics both in and outside the academy vote on literary merit through their selection of which works warrant critical attention, and it is no longer odd to learn of novels like Stephanie Meyer’s teen-vampire romance Twilight novels being taught in literature courses, or a self-published novel like E.L. James’s Fifty Shades of Grey reviewed in serious newspapers, or discussed by academic panels. 31 Concomitant with this turn toward literature as mass phenomenon is “Distant Reading,” the term Franco Moretti gives to the practice of using big-data methods to read across thousands of books, mining the contents for patterns that reveal intangible structures.

Thus (to cite a simple example), using tools such as Google’s Ngram Viewer (), which can graph the usage of phrases found across 5+ million books, a reader of American literature might find it useful to discover that authors began writing “The United States is” more often than “The United States are,” that is, thinking of the country in the singular rather than plural, around 1874 (about 10 years after the American Civil War) (Wilkens). (Or that the use of the word “posthuman” began to increase exponentially in 1990.) It is the pattern extracted from a mass of textual use—not the singular word use—that can show a historic progression, Moretti claims.